Carothers, This was the case in Chile where, in , Pinochet was forced to accept a plebiscite and lost his bid for a further eight years in the presidency. The elections of next year were the first step for the reintroduction of democracy in Chile. A disastrous defeat in its war with Great Britain over the Falkland Islands meant the end of Argentinean military dictatorship. At best, Argentina and even more Mexico are fragile democracies. But the real difference from the situation during the Cold War is not the active element in U. It is true that since the end of the Cold War U.
A case in point is Venezuela. On the other hand, Washington was disappointed when the coup failed but it did not actively support anti Chavez forces at the critical moment. Since then the systematic political clashes between George W. Bush administration and the government of Venezuela has been a war of words full of pyrotechnics but nothing else. Up to now, the oil connection between both countries remain intact and both want to preserve it above their ideological differences.
This remote outpost of the Spanish empire was not an important silver and gold precious metal producer as Peru or Mexico neither its Indian population was a reliable source of labor as it was in other parts of the empire. In fact, Chile was an agrarian society scarcely populated that was not even self sufficient and the Spanish Crown had to subsidized its administration.
After independence, a very highly structured society dominated by a landed oligarchy and with very few contacts with the outside world, began to change trough foreign immigration and investment —mainly British-, industrial mining and agricultural exports. Politics was the domain of the oligarchy. Efforts to secularize the state divided the ruling class but Chile did not experience systematic civil war as was the case of Mexico nor foreign invasions. Politics were already democratic but elitist. The emergence of a working class mainly in the mining industry posed the problem to conservative classes of the emergence of leftist parties and the problem to resist or incorporate working and middle classes to the political system.
During the Cold War, communist and socialist were able to mount a real challenge to rightist parties and bested interests specially after the creation of the Unidad Popular Popular Unity that was able to elect a Marxist, Salvador Allende, as president in although with only a relative majority. Allende began a program of nationalization of copper mining industry and agrarian reform.
The right began to think seriously in the overthrow of the government. It was at this point that the influence of the U. The intervention of the U. Also, the demonstration effects for countries like France and Italy, with strong Socialist parties and emerging Erocommunism, were judged to be extremely negative…The mere existence of the Allende government was the determining factor behind the U. Hudson ed. Tomasek ed. Pratt, and C.
In the Chilean case, the contradictions between U. When president Carter began to use human rights as a tool of the Cold War the contradictions of U.
In these circumstances, Washington decided to openly support the idea of a plebiscite in as a way to decide if Pinochet should remain in power. When the dictator lost and was forced to call for elections in Washington was relieved of an ally that had become a liability after U. Finally the constitution was amended and full democracy returned to Chile. However, lack of communications, powerful local interests and inter elite conflict, clashes between church and state, brutal social and ethnic cleavages, dysfunctional institutions, two invasion by foreign powers —the U.
For half a century Mexico was a failed national state that just fought for survival. It was only after the defeat of French imperial design in that Mexico was more or less able to create the minimum conditions for stability and order to aloud a functioning national state. In such conditions, elections were empty political shells, a ritual devoid of content. The real source of legitimacy of a paternalistic dictatorship in a liberal and oligarchic system was the capacity of the presidency and its bureaucracy to maintain stability by constant negotiation with local elites and the reintroduction of economic growth mainly through foreign investment.
After a period of economic growth, the Mexican Revolution started in as a demand for political democracy but very soon evolved into a real social revolution.
www.dmtrading.pl/includes/57/3719-rastreador-de.html The new regime transformed Mexican society trough agrarian reform, support of labor demands, diminishing the power of the catholic church and intense nationalism oil, land and railroads were nationalized Gilly, In political terms, the new regime was the modernization of authoritarianism. Simplifying, at the core of the new system was again a strong presidency but this time limited by the no reelection principle and supported by a state party created in PNR, transformed into PRM in and PRI since at the bases of which was a new army, a massive peasant organization CNC , a series of powerful labor unions plus some middle class organizations.
Circulation of elites was no problem in Mexico and it was, together with a lack of real ideology, one of the secrets of the longevity of the system. Twice U. However, after a crisis motivated by a modification of the oil law that affected American and European interests the American ambassador and the Mexican president reached an informal agreement that ended the confrontation and instituted an unwritten agreement that is still the cornerstone of U. The national interest of the U. In order not to destroy one of the key elements of legitimacy of the authoritarian system —nationalism- Washington did not punish Mexico for not voting with the U.
The transformation was mainly the product of the effort of opposition parties —PAN from the right and PRD from the left- and the regimen loss of legitimacy as a result of a systematic failure of the economy after International media, observers and NGOs were important but not crucial in inhibiting the most radical elements of the government from using illegal methods to reverse electoral results in and gave Mexico, for the first time in history, the opportunity to live the experience of a peaceful transfer of power trough a real electoral competition.
In conclusion, it was the evolution of Mexican society combined with an international atmosphere free of Cold War fears that encouraging the idea of democracy as the only legitimate bases of power and the only viable way of conducting power competition, what ended one of the most moderate and most enduring authoritarian systems in contemporary world.
Epilogue In recent times, it seems that the more active elements within the U. Non governmental organizations and some multinational institutions are among the most prominent American actors helping Latin America to overcome its long history of political, social and cultural authoritarianism Issacs, If democracy is finally consolidated in Latin America —a big if in several countries- the main reason will be the result of a transformation in the nature of its people that aloud the transition of whole society from subjects to citizens.
Nevertheless, the changes in the international environment are helping in this process. Democracy and respect for human rights are now a source of legitimacy of big powers policies and attitudes towards Third World countries.
It is attitudes rather than policies of the dominant power in Latin America what is now helping the region in its efforts to try democracy as its dominant political and moral system. Nevertheless, a cautionary note is needed: democracy in the Latin America is still a possibility rather than a well rooted system of life and belief.
Democracy has to combine political freedoms with social improvements.
Political equality not rooted in a more egalitarian distribution of wealth could not withstand the pressures of an economic or political crisis. Venezuela can be viewed as a case where the popular demand for social justice could lead to a non democratic development and a new wave of turmoil in the region. Coatsworth, Alan M. Taylor eds. Exporting Democracy. Exporting Democracy, Lowenthal ed. ABSTRACT The general worthiness of Business Economy, as a Science, is seriously growing denied by the rising positioning of big corporations and employer's associations, and the big speculative capitals.
Una de esa variable es el tiempo que se considere. Es decir, el conseguir fondos no es la consecuencia de llevar a cabo un proyecto empresarial competitivo, sino el requisito para ello La lucha entre empresas en el nuevo contexto se ha producido de una forma muy desigual. Existen pruebas suficientes contra el argumento arcaico de Schumpeter de que la posibilidad de endeudamiento contrarresta las desigualdades de partida en las actividades empresariales.
Esta idea puede servir, incluso, para explicar la crisis actual. Esto es falso. Por otra parte, no nos cansaremos de repetir, cuando un negocio no es rentable, se lo queda el estado, pero cuando una parte puede ser rentable es el caso de adif, surgida de RENFE , entonces se convierte en empresa por acciones y se privatiza. Los estudios empresariales estaban destinados a la gran empresa. Las variables que fueron descargadas de la base de datos fueron las siguientes: Activo circulante, pasivo gratuito, pasivo remunerado, resultado del ejercicio, cargas financieras del ejercicio y volumen de ventas.
Las variables construidas en estudios exploratorios previos se han aplicado a los valores de esta muestra. La productividad tiene una tendencia favorable. Media Dv. Esto confirma la existencia de activos intangibles basados en los recursos humanos.
Por lo tanto, la rentabilidad parece depender del sector. Solvencia 0,09 0,92 -0,08 0,99 -0,05 1,03 R. Esto cual puede explicar que las reconversiones consistan generalmente en sustituir trabajo por equipo, a pesar de que este esquema merme la rentabilidad. Esto no deja de estar en consonancia con el planteamiento de Coase y con el modelo factorial que fue formulado en En ambos casos, el dilema se pude abordar mediante un contraste de contingencias.
En este mismo estudio, se aprecia el diferente comportamiento de la rentabilidad para los accionistas y para los acreedores Tabla 3. En tal caso, volvemos a un esquema tradicional en que a las PYME les interesa tener un fondo de maniobra elevado, posiblemente, equivalente al total de los activos circulantes. Ahora bien, ni la historia de las grandes superficies va a ser borrada de nos nuevos manuales Galindo, , ni esa medida legislativa va a ser efectiva.
Por el contrario, el jugar con las cuentas de circulante puede marcar una diferencia competitiva a expensas de la liquidez. Sin embargo, dichos resultados obtenidos por encargo no son necesariamente aplicables a casos distintos. En cambio, la solidaridad entre empresas beneficia al oligopolio. Entonces surge la oportunidad para la Banca Galindo, a. Crisis Financiera vs. Derechos Humanos. XXXI, N. MAN, Thomas W. LIII, N.