Hailing from the same families and schools, high-level technocrats in the state always tend to overlap with banking, business, and engineering elites, and are much more likely to champion ruling-class interests than to subvert them. But not only is such a notion far too vague to be sociologically defensible, it also obscures the real economic forces that created the financialized economy that Krein bemoans as the height of managerialism.
Managers untethered themselves from the nation for a reason. Krein also happens to ignore the bulk of global economic history since the s, in which external pressures shaped the direction of economic policy and the shifting topography of the national economy.
Though specific policy directions were political choices, there is no question that they were viewed as the best hope for maintaining competitiveness in an increasingly global economy. Krein is rightly critical of the posts financial sector and the sociopathic violence it has been allowed to visit both on smaller businesses and on American society in general. But as other thinkers have noted, few of the new right-populists seem interested in the economic forces that have buffeted American workers.
Much dearer to their hearts is a top-down imposition of a religious and racial vision of social cohesion. It was a generally accurate summation of the economic thinking that dominates both political parties. In fact, as others have pointed out , his whole political career is deeply indebted to this consensus: he takes money from the Koch brothers and the Club for Growth, two of the most aggressive supporters of the libertarian economic agenda he decries; he is a militant foe of labor unions, the primary economic force in US society empowering workers of all backgrounds; he opposes raising the minimum wage and hiking taxes on inherited wealth.
mobber.com/3856.php What social conservatives interpret as economic power tipping the scales in favor of progressive values is really a response to what the overwhelming majority of Americans believe: between 65 and 69 percent of Americans, in all ethnic demographics and regions of the country, support gay marriage, and a clear majority supports trans rights. The first step is to describe America as it is, not as nationalists and social conservatives wish it were.
The vast majority of the American population lives in urban areas, not just on the coasts but also in the South, the West, and the Midwest.
Only three states out of fifty have majority rural populations, and those are almost evenly divided; most of the remaining forty-seven have overwhelmingly urban populations. The left-behind American laborer — in the conservative imagination, always implicitly a white man in middle America who hates immigration and political correctness — is more and more likely to be an urban woman of color working in retail or health care.
Franklin Foer is a staff writer for The Atlantic. Democracy Marxist philosophy Socialism Capitalism. But that is not the full extent of the damage being done to the Philippine polity. On page 60 in this issue, Peter Beinart describes how Democrats might alter their language and policies regarding immigration to broaden appeal without sacrificing their principles. Therefore, support must be transparent and nonpartisan, and those providing it will need to be prepared to take some heat. In fact, he has been recognized by one publication as "one of the world's foremost experts on campaigns against business.
In , only 59 percent of the working class was white, and half was female. Progressive strategists have constructed an elaborate network of foundations, advocacy groups, and other institutions to advance their agenda.
But where the conservatives relied on affirmative corporate support to help power their movement, the Progressive Left has used an anti-corporate strategy whose purpose is three-fold: 1. To reclaim the moral high ground of politics by challenging corporate power and influence. To leverage this influence over corporate decision-making to change the direction of American politics and public policy.
Biz War extends the argument of Manheim's book, The Death of A Thousand Cuts, by showing how anti-corporate campaigns have evolved from economically-oriented labor actions to ideological and programmatic political struggles. It details how the strategies and tactics crafted by organized labor are being employed with increasing effect by the political left.
The book will be of interest to students of contemporary American politics, strategic communication, political movements, and business management. Likewise it will help corporate executives and financial analysts understand more fully the proxy wars and other attacks against their companies.